The anticommunist pogrom in Chişinău was organized by Romanian and Ukrainian secret services in coordination with the Russian Embassy in Moldova.

April 9, 2009.

Natasha Barch of the Moscow Chapter discusses the events in Moldova on the telephone with Andrei Petrov, one of the founders of the International Editorial Board of burtsev.ru . Abridged translation from the Russian original.

NB. Andrei, can you share with us your information on Moldova?

AP. According to our sources in Ukraine, the fascist pogroms in Chişinău were organized by Ukrainian secret services who received help from the Russian embassy in Moldova. This information is supported by our German sources. We are told that during the pogroms Vladimir Filin-- one of the shadow chiefs of Ukrainian military intelligence-- stayed with the personnel of the Russian Embassy.

NB. I must say this is very unexpected. Everyone here, in Moscow, assumes it was just another case of a pro-Western “orange revolution.”

AP. The tentative picture I have suggests it was the first step in a complex international conspiracy between the fascist elements in Romanian government and national security establishment, the neo-Banderovite center in the Ukrainian army and intelligence, and Vladimir Putin with Igor Sechin's group behind him.

NB. What are their goals? The Romanian interests are pretty obvious, but what the Ukrainians and Putin hope to gain from this?

AP. Our sources believe they have some sort of agreement for a territorial rearrangement: Romania will annex Moldova, with Ukraine swallowing the Trans-Dniester Republic. In return, Ukrainian security chiefs promised Putin a non-aligned status for Ukraine, guaranteed autonomy for the Crimea and the prolongation of the Russian lease of the naval base in Sevastopol for another 20 years. From what I hear, they negotiated this deal through Igor Sechin.

NB. Is this the entire deal?

AP. No, this package also includes these demands from the FarWest group.

They want Putin to lift the special regime of counter terrorist operation in Chechnya, withdraw most of the federal troops and remove all the FSB and Ministry of Internal Affairs officers stationed there on a temporary basis. They also want Moscow to give the international status to the airport in Grozny [the capital city of the Chechen Republic – ed.], the transfer of Grozneftegaz [the local oil company – ed.] from Rosneft to the Chechen government and the guarantees not to reduce the amount of payments to Chechnya from the federal budget.

In regards to Ukraine the FarWest group agrees to allow Gazprom's participation in running the Ukrainian pipeline system. In exchange, Russians will transfer natural gas fields on the Yamal Peninsula with a yearly output of 60 BCM to a joint Russian-Ukrainian venture company.

The package also includes Russia's unofficial consent for Ukraine to have nuclear arms after the Israeli model. According to my German sources, the Ukrainians use the recent EU-Ukraine Pipeline Agreement as their leverage against Moscow.

NB. Well, some modest requests they have, don't they? I can't believe Putin doesn't mind Ukrainian fascists to have the Bomb! This is treason. Or is it Medvedev's and Usmanov's idea, just like their 2008 proposal to appoint the US citizen Surikov-Orloff the head of Russia's military intelligence?

AP. My sources are somewhat vague about this point, but it's safe to assume that Putin is willing to consider the nuclear part of the package as well.

NB. They will renege on all these just as soon as the situation in the United States changes.

AP. I also think so. This is why I believe that the operation in Chişinău had a more ambitious goal to undermine the “reset” between the United States and Russia, compromise President Obama's leadership, as well as to incite more hatred against him among the far-right elements in the US-British secret services and private military and intelligence companies, including the old partners of the FarWest group like KBR and Diligence LLC. I do believe that these elements too had some role in the Moldavian affair just behind the backs of their counterparts in Romania, Ukraine, and Russia.

NB. You know, Andrei, I am not at all surprised that the “Radioactive Filin” turned up in Chişinău to pull strings behind the scenes. After all, he took part in the 1989 pro-American coup in Bucharest, speaks Romanian and his ties with Dick Cheney's and Bob Gates' people are not a secret for us. I just don't understand why Putin is so anti-Obama. Does he miss Mr. Cheney's thrashing, the “empire of evil” and “the oh-so-bloody KGB” gibberish, and rather peculiar birthday presents?

AP. By all his life experiences Putin feels closer to the right-wing, protofascist milieu of modern secret service establishments. He is a product of this milieu, knows it well, and feels less threatened by it than by the likes of people around Obama. Rostovsky's [Ernst Henri – ed.] ideas about the mutually agreed upon regime of geopolitical confrontation appealed to the social psychology of this stratum as a whole, not just to Gusev's military group [General Yuri Gusev, 1934-1992, head of Soviet-Russian military intelligence – ed.]. Besides, Putin and Sechin may reason that the Banderovites present less danger now when Cheney is out and they have bad relations with the Obama people. But these are only my speculations. Only the future--and more good intelligence--will tell.

NB. Andrei, thank you so much and, please, keep safe.

9 April, 2009

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